The Unknown Figure of the July 15 Project: Kemal Eskintan

Kemal Eskintan is known as one of the key actors in the July 15 Project. However, he does not live his life in the public eye and prefers to avoid drawing attention. It is almost impossible to find even a single photo of him online. But recently, we had the opportunity to see a photo of him. So, who is this Kemal Eskintan, and how did he become such an important figure? Does he have the background and connections to consider himself a candidate for the head of the National Intelligence Organization [Milli İstihbarat Teşkilatı (MIT)]?

Contrary to what is known publicly, he is not a former Special Forces member but an ex-officer from the transportation corps. His worldview could be described as conservative. He sent his child to Ankara Muradiye Schools, known to be affiliated with the Erenköy community. He speaks Arabic, which he has turned to his advantage. He has gone on pilgrimage to Umrah several times as a VIP, perhaps to ease the weight on his conscience from the tortures conducted at the "Çiftlik" (Farm), the torture center (of MIT) under his responsibility.

What put Kemal Eskintan in the spotlight during his career and helped him build significant connections was the Adana Agreement. As you may know, the Adana Agreement was signed on October 20, 1998, between Turkey and Syria, amid rising tensions over PKK attacks on Turkey originating from Syria and Syria granting asylum to PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan. Eskintan served as the coordinator of the Adana Agreement and had also worked with the Gendarmerie during this period. It is said that his knowledge of Arabic played a role in this duty. At one point, the individuals responsible for implementing the agreement were Aytaç Yalman,once Four-Star General and the head of Turkish Land Forces, followed by Şener Eruygur ,once Four-Star General and the head of Gendarmerie. During this duty, he established close relationships with many high-ranking commanders, turning these connections into an opportunity to make a name for himself.

He is also very close to İsmail Metin Temel, one of the key actors in the July 15 Project ((the ultimate treacherous conspiracy against Turkish Armed Forces (TAF) and Türkiye). He explains this closeness as follows: While serving as a Major at the Lice Tapan Hill base in Diyarbakır, then-Brigadier General İsmail Metin Temel, the commander of the Bolu Brigade, came to the area for an operation. They supposedly became friends there. Subsequently, he continued to meet with Metin Temel frequently, even after July 15. Of course, it is not in line with military customs for a Major and a Brigadier General to be friends in this way, indicating that something is being concealed. Interestingly, both names later emerged in connection with the July 15 Project. Although there was an expectation that İsmail Metin Temel would become the Land Forces Commander, he was eventually retired.

After returning from his duty in Lice, Diyarbakır, Eskintan was assigned to the General Staff's Intelligence Department, where he also worked with then the Chief of General Staff, General Selçuk Bayraktaroğlu.

He has a very good relationship with Yaşar Güler as well. As he puts it, "I get along well with General Hulusi, but I get along even better with General Yaşar." There is a significant event that confirms this: In February-March 2017, Kemal Eskintan was hospitalized for a colon issue. The hospital, located in Kızılay, is a private hospital frequently used by AKP members, and he underwent surgery there. After the operation, then-Gendarmerie General Commander Yaşar Güler visited him in the hospital to wish him well and had a long private meeting with him in the hospital room. This incident shows how strong the connection between them is. The close relationship between a four-star general (the commander of one of the four main forces in Turkısh Armed Forces) and a former Colonel is quite unusual. During this hospital visit, former TAF  member and MİT officer Okan Altiney and former Sergeant, now MİT officer Kadir Sazoğlu, who facilitated the connection, were also present.

He joined MİT in 2009 or 2010. Contrary to what is often said or believed, Hakan Fidan did not bring Eskintan to MİT, nor was he Fidan's man. The circumstances are different, and we will touch upon them later. It can be said that his connections in projects, his profile as a politically religious soldier sought by the government, and his last position at the Intelligence Department facilitated his transition to MİT.

Before July 15, he drew attention in 2014 for negotiating with jihadists and rescuing hostages in the Mosul Consulate hostage crisis by using funds from the black budget.(1) His coordination of jihadists in Syria, his ability to call Tayyip Erdoğan directly from the field, and his ability to bring jihadist leaders he smuggled across the border directly to meet with Erdoğan showed how prominent he had become before July 15.

His role in the July 15 Project and these achievements made him consider himself a candidate for the head of MİT. Up until July 15, Fidan and Eskintan managed to coexist, but after July 15, they started to become rivals. It even reached the point where they began keeping files on each other.

Eskintan started scrutinizing Fidan's activities and connections during his time as head of TİKA (Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency), searching for any weaknesses. He reportedly told trusted individuals that he had information and findings that could be used against Fidan, including details from a TİKA meeting in Azerbaijan attended by Hakan Fidan. However, the exact details of the situation he reported are unknown. If they ever have a falling out, we may learn more.

On the other hand, Fidan was investigating Eskintan through a close relative linked to the Gülen Movement, keeping a file on him. We understand this from Eskintan's own statements and suspicions.

Eskintan saw Hakan Fidan's departure from the MİT Presidency to become a minister as the opportunity of a lifetime. He had high expectations for the MİT Presidency and started lobbying actively. He viewed his familiarity with Erdoğan as an advantage. However, when Erdoğan preferred İbrahim Kalın for the position, Eskintan suffered a great disappointment, which affected his psychological state.

In the End, the Regime Sacrifices Even One of Its Own Children: Eskintan Joins the List of Those Used and Discarded.

Dilaver Derviş

(1) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Black_budget